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Well: the poorest worker in the 1980s was obviously far better off economically than one in the 1920s. as such, what counts is relative differences between classes and periods within a growth economy. given the thesis that free-market capitalism will benefit the poor especially, we have to ask: is this actually true and, of so, can the other classes benefit equally well? this means we need to ask whether the assumption to concentrate on absolute poverty or inequality rather that relative values makes more sense. similarly, we need to question the assumption that "free market" capitalism is the growth machine its supporters assert and whether the benefits of the growth it produces does, in fact, "trickle down." questioning these assumptions is essential. the key problem with evaluating such claims is, of course, the fact that an economy, like a society, is a very complex system which evolves through time. there are few opportunities for "controlled experiments" with which to test differing analyses and theories. this means that any attempt to analysis these claims must be based on looking at different countries and time periods in order to contrast them. thus we will look at the same countries at different periods the more social democratic post-war period to the more neo-liberal post-1980s and more neo-liberal countries with those in which free-market "reforms" have not been pushed as far ; . as we will show, the track record of "free r ; market" capitalism has been, at best, distinctly unimpressive and, at worse, significantly poorer. however, this appeal to reality will not convince many supporters of capitalism. for the true believer in the capitalist market, this kind of evidence does not create doubt in their ideas, only the conviction that the experiments did not go far enough. thus, for the ideologue, freer market capitalism handily tell us nothing about free market capitalism -- unless, of course, they can be portrayed as an "economic miracle" regardless of the facts ; . for "advocates of the market, " the sanctity of private property and private contracts is held as an inalienable natural right. to refute charges that this will simply benefit the already wealthy they spend much time arguing that unfettered capitalism is also the only economic system which will produce the greatest benefit for the greatest number. in other words, that absolute capitalist markets and private property rights coincides exactly with personal interest. a clearer example of wishful thinking could hardly be asked for. yet it is not hard to see what function this plays. few people will be persuaded by their assumptions on property and markets, given the common sense objection that free exchange between the weak and the strong will, obviously, benefit the latter more. yet more people may be convinced to go along with "free market" proposals by considerations of economic efficiency and the hope that the poor will see their living standards improve over time particularly if "experts" with economics degrees are involved as people often assume they know what they are talking about ; . now, the empirical track-record of what is called capitalism is decidedly mixed. there are three courses of action open to the market advocate. the first is to embrace the property-rights argument wholeheartedly, and say that we should adopt pure capitalism even if it hurts a large percentage of the population because it is the right thing to do. this would be unconvincing for most people as economic austerity and serf-like working conditions in return for protecting the power and property rights of the few who actually own the wealth would find few sane or disinterested ; supporters. then it could be argues that the empirical track-record of "actually existing" capitalism should be ignored in favour of economic ideology as reality is simply not pure enough. that, again, would be unconvincing for the obvious reason that we would be being asked to have faith in the validity of economics as we have noted before, this would not be wise given its surreal assumptions and non-scientific nature ; . this would have one positive side231.
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Everything we know about the impressionists proves them to be not in the slightest degree theorists; they did not elaborate theories, which they proceeded to put into practice in their paintings. they were essentially empiricists; the style of painting, which they adopted in the beginning, was modified little by little as a result of experiments made in the actual process of painting. they undertook to work as much as possible out-of-doors to execute their landscapes entirely from nature and not to retouch them in the studio. they also wanted to render as truthfully as possible effects of sunlight. they realized that current practice led them to set very dark shadows obtained with browns and blacks against very pale light areas with hardly any colour; the results were hard and heavy and in no way conveyed the brilliance of a fine day. it began to dawn on them that they would have to use cool colours - bluish greens, blues and violets for the shadows, and warm colours i.e. those in which yellows predominate ; for the fully-lit areas. the contrast of a lightness and intensity of colour expressed perfectly the luminosity and brilliance of nature bathed in sunlight. the impressionists, especially monet, devoted themselves to capturing in paint the fugitive effects of light falling on objects, and the play of reflection. they tended therefore especially monet and sisley ; to attribute greater importance to colour than to form. they allowed themselves a very free style of execution; they did not blend the colours together imperceptibly, but left the brushstrokes clearly visible all over the canvases.
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